Slow motion closeups from the day that changed our lives

Edna Cintron
When Pigs Fly
Bldg 7
911 Foreknowledge
Second Hit Gallery
Pull It
Real Plane Debris
Flight 587
big fake
nick nack
WING cartoon

Hague Hoax
Exotic Weapons
Hutchison Effects
Hague Hoax
Flashvid Theatre

Peggy's Pix
Video Archive


Adnan Khashoggi Linked to 911 Terrorists


By Alex Constantine

The House hearings on Iran-contra culminated in 1987 with a report that
deftly mentioned Richard Secord's plan to start up an enterprise of his own
in the bulk manufacture of "opium alkaloids."1 This curious detail floated
by without comment and eventually drowned in a flood of perjury and hot air.
The committee didn't bother to follow up on that one. Better late than never
to ask: "Opium alkaloids ... the base compound for the production of
heroin?" It's doubtful we'll ever know the answer. And the explanation could
be innocent, to be fair - Secord may have had a cure for peptic ulcers or
sexual impotence ... but heroin would appear the likeliest explanation,
given the cost of global conquest these days.

Even Adnan Khashoggi has financed wars with drug profits,
the gist of a report written in 1991 at the Pentagon - declassified in July
2004 by the National Security Archives in Washington - of 104 "more
important Colombian narco-terrorists contracted by the Colombian narcotic
cartels for security, transportation, distribution, collection and
enforcement of narcotics operations in both the U.S. and Colombia."

Pablo Escobar is on the list. Colombian President Alvaro Uribe is also on

Uribe, according to the document, is a "Colombian politician and senator
dedicated to collaboration with the Medellin cartel at high government
levels." He was "linked to a business involved in narcotics activities in
the U.S. His father was murdered in Colombia for his connection with the
narcotic traffickers." He has "worked for the Medellin cartel," according to
the DoD report, and "is a close personal friend of Pablo Escobar Gaviria....
He has participated in Escobar's political campaign to win the position of
assistant parliamentarian to Jorge [Ortega]..."

Adam Isaacson, a scholar at the Center for International Policy (CIP) in
Washington, cast doubt on the Pentagon's intelligence. After all, Isaacson
figured, Adnan Khashoggi's name was on it, so the list must be in error...

But the National Security Archives responded that the document as "accurate
and easily verifiable. It is evident that a significant amount of time and
energy went into compiling this report."

Remember, the word used by the Pentagon to describe the traffickers listed
in the report, including Khashoggi, was "narco-terrorist." So Richard Perle,
assistant secretary of defense under Bush, a business partner of Khashoggi's
at TriReme Corp., was in business with a narco-terrorist, according to the
Pentagon's own records. But we'll get to Perle in time ...

President Uribe also denied the allegations regarding himself - not so easy
to explain away, however, was the 1984 seizure of his father's helicopter by
Colombian police on narcotics charges, or his brother's telephone number,
stored in the memory bank of a cell phone belonging to Escobar.2

Ignoring the Pentagon's own intelligence on the narco-presidenté, President
Bush paid Uribe a call in August 2003. Anti-war activist-reporter Jim Lobe
reported: "The administration of President George W. Bush on Monday rallied
behind Colombian President Alvaro Uribe in the face of allegations contained
in a 13-year-old Pentagon intelligence report that he was a close personal
friend' of drug lord Pablo Escobar and had worked for his Medellin drug

"We completely disavow these allegations about President Uribe," said State
Department spokesman Adam Ereli. "We have no credible information that
substantiates or corroborates these allegations that appeared in an
unevaluated 1991 report, linking President Uribe to the narcotics business
or trafficking."

Isaacson said, "It's something the left has been trying to pin on him for a
while, and this gives them new ammunition." However, he acknowledged, "in
the big picture, almost everybody in Colombia's ruling class was mixed up in
drugs until [former U.S. President] Ronald Reagan declared war on drugs in
the mid-1980s."3 Narcotics have fuelled the flames of revolution and regime
change, political assassinations and bomb plots, the "war on drugs"

Another drug runner in this underground empire was Henry Asher, founder of
DataBase [See Khashoggi, part XI], the ChoicePoint appendage. In a report by
the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, Asher admitted to smuggling drugs
in 1982. Police developed "corroborating information" that "during 1981 and
1982, Asher piloted five to seven plane loads of cocaine from Colombia to
the United States." Asher admitted that he had shown "a lack of judgment,"
according to the report. The remorseful millionaire cooperated with the FBI
and agreed to be a federal "informant." He was freed and went on to set up a
"total awareness" surveillance operation, but we'll come to that ...4

Another drug pilot on contra supply missions was Frank Moss who, according
to the Kerry Report, "has been under investigation as an alleged drug
trafficker since 1979. Moss has been investigated, although never indicted,
for narcotics offenses by ten different law enforcement agencies. In
addition to flying contra supply missions through SETCO, Moss formed his own
company in 1985, Hondu Carib, which also flew supplies to the Contras,
including weapons and ammunition purchased from R.M. Equipment, an arms
company controlled by Ronald Martin and James McCoy. The FDN's arrangement
with Moss and Hondu Carib was pursuant to a commercial agreement between the
FDN's chief supply officer, Mario Calero, and Moss, under which Calero was
to receive an ownership interest in Moss' company. The Subcommittee received
documentation that one Moss plane, a DC-4, N90201, was used to move Contra
goods from the United States to Honduras. On the basis of information
alleging that the plane was being used for drug smuggling, the Customs
Service obtained a court order to place a concealed transponder on the

"A second DC-4 controlled by Moss was chased off the west coast of Florida
by the Customs Service while it was dumping what appeared to be a load of
drugs, according to law enforcement personnel. When the plane landed at Port
Charlotte no drugs were found on board, but the plane's registration was not
in order and its last known owners were drug traffickers. Law enforcement
personnel also found an address book aboard the plane, containing among
other references the telephone numbers of some Contra officials and the
Virginia telephone number of Robert Owen, Oliver North's courier. A law
enforcement inspection of the plane revealed the presence of significant
marijuana residue. DEA seized the aircraft on March 16, 1987."5

Cable network opinion-shapers Ann Coulter and David Corn may insist that the
CIA only "looked the other way" when its assets have been caught moving
narcotics to finance assassinations, foreign coups, etc., but Khashoggi,
Armitage and Asher weren't the only drug runners in the family.

William Casey, CIA director under Reagan, created several large
off-the-shelf' networks to finance illicit covert operations. The first,
dependent on opium profits, supported the Afghan Mujhaddin, with the CIA
running funds through Pakistan's ISI and BCCI. The second channel, to
support the Nicaraguan contra war, ran through BCCI, too. This channel also
began with drug proceeds and ended in hot pockets of the Cold War. The same
organizational chart - of CIA proxy armies funded by drug proceeds - was
evident in KLA operations in Bosnia, complete with raping, pillaging,
bomb-tossing al Qaeda radicals.6

As a result, these networks, according to Peter Dale Scott, "have all
aligned the US on the same side as powerful local drug traffickers. Partly
this has been from realpolitik - in recognition of the local power realities
represented by the drug traffic. Partly it has been from the need to escape
domestic political restraints: the traffickers have supplied additional
financial resources needed because of US budgetary limitations, and they
have also provided assets not bound (as the U.S. is) by the rules of war."

The impact of all this trafficking in junk, of course, is devastating.
"These facts," Scott writes, "have led to enduring intelligence networks
involving both oil and drugs, or more specifically both petrodollars and
narcodollars. These networks, particularly in the Middle East, have become
so important that they affect, not just the conduct of US foreign policy,
but the health and behavior of the US government, US banks and corporations,
and indeed the whole of US society."7



1) Jefferson Morley, "Iran-Contra's Unasked Questions, or the Case of the
$400,000 Hamburger," Los Angeles Times, November 29, 1987.

2) Jim Lobe, "Bush Rallies Behind Colombian President, Despite Drug
Allegations," August 3, 2004.

3) Ibid.

4) Multistate Anti-Terrorism Information Exchange, Jun 2003.

5) "Selections from the Senate Committee Report on Drugs, Law Enforcement
and Foreign Policy,"
chaired by Senator John F. Kerry.

6) See: Peter Dale Scott, Drugs, Oil, and War; John Cooley, Unholy Wars.

7) Peter Dale Scott, "Afghanistan, Colombia, Vietnam: The Deep Politics of
Drugs and Oil,"